In certain intellectual circles in France, the very basis for discussion—a minimal respect for facts and logic—has been virtually abandoned.
Noam Chomsky, Language and Politics, 2nd ed., Oakland, California, 2004, p. 291
In certain intellectual circles in France, the very basis for discussion—a minimal respect for facts and logic—has been virtually abandoned.
Noam Chomsky, Language and Politics, 2nd ed., Oakland, California, 2004, p. 291
It is important to learn to be surprised by simple things—for example, by the fact that bodies fall down, not up, and that they fall at a certain rate; that if pushed, they move on a flat surface in a straight line, not a circle; and so on. The beginning of science is the recognition that the simplest phenomena of ordinary life raise quite serious problems: Why are they as they are, instead of some different way?
Noam Chomsky, Language and Problems of Knowledge: The Managua Lectures, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1988, p. 43
One would have to do an experiment to prove it, but I would guess that if we took two children of today—let’s say two groups—and exposed one group to Mozart, Haydn and Beethoven, and the other to Schoenberg, Webern and Berg, there would be a substantial difference in their capacity to comprehend and deal with such musical experience.
Noam Chomsky, ‘The Ideas of Chomsky’, in Bryan Magee (ed.), Men of Ideas: Some Creators of Contemporary Philosophy, London, 1978, p. 218
In systems of law that are intended to be taken seriously, coerced acquiescence is invalid. In international affairs, however, it is honoured as diplomacy.
Noam Chomsky, Hegemony or Survival: America’s Quest for Global Dominance, New York, 2003, p. 36
One of the issues which has devastated a substantial portion of the left in recent years, and caused enormous triumphalism elsewhere, is the alleged fact that there’s been this great battle between socialism and capitalism in the twentieth century, and in the end capitalism won and socialism lost—and the reason we know that socialism lost is because the Soviet Union disintegrated. So you have big cover stories in The Nation about “The End of Socialism,” and you have socialists who all their lives considered themselves anti-Stalinist saying, “Yes, it’s true, socialism has lost because Russia failed.” I mean, even to raise questions about this is something you’re not supposed to do in our culture, but let’s try it. Suppose you ask a simple question: namely, why do people like the editors at The Nation say that “socialism” failed, why don’t they say that “democracy” failed?—and the proof that “democracy” failed is, look what happened to Eastern Europe. After all, those countries also called themselves “democratic”—in fact, they called themselves “People’s Democracies,” real advanced forms of democracy. So why don’t we conclude that “democracy” failed, not just that “socialism” failed? Well, I haven’t seen any articles anywhere saying, “Look, democracy failed, let’s forget about democracy.” And it’s obvious why: the fact that they called themselves democratic doesn’t mean that they were democratic. Pretty obvious, right?
Noam Chomsky, Understanding Power, New York, 2002, p. 145
When we consider the responsibility of intellectuals, our basic concern must be their role in the creation and analysis of ideology.
Noam Chomsky, ‘The Responsibility of Intellectuals’, The New York Review of Books, vol. 8, no. 3 (February 23, 1967)
I’m in favor of democracy, which means that the central institutions in the society have to be under popular control. Now, under capitalism we can’t have democracy by definition. Capitalism is a system in which the central institutions of society are in principle under autocratic control. Thus, a corporation or an industry is, if we were to think of it in political terms, fascist; that is, it has tight control at the top and strict obedience has to be established at every level—there’s a little bargaining, a little give and take, but the line of authority is perfectly straightforward. Just as I’m opposed to political fascism, I’m opposed to economic fascism. I think that until major institutions of society are under the popular control of participants and communities, it’s pointless to talk about democracy. In this sense, I would describe myself as a libertarian socialist—I’d love to see centralized power eliminated, whether it’s the state or the economy, and have it diffused and ultimately under direct control of the participants. Moreover, I think that’s entirely realistic. Every bit of evidence that exists (there isn’t much) seems to show, for example, that workers’ control increases efficiency. Nevertheless, capitalists don’t want it, naturally; what they’re worried about is control, not the loss of productivity or efficiency.
Noam Chomsky, ‘One man’s view: Noam Chomsky. Are universities too conservative? Do they collude with corporations to obscure the way power works in our society? Noam Chomsky thinks so and explains why’, Business Today, May, 1973
[I]n acceptable usage, just about any phrase containing the word “free” is likely to mean something like the opposite of its actual meaning.
Noam Chomsky, What Uncle Sam Really Wants, Tucson, 1992, p. 87
It’s very hard to live with cognitive dissonance: only a real cynic can believe one thing and say another. So whether it’s a totalitarian system or a free system, the people who are most useful to the system of power are the ones who actually believe what they say, and they’re the ones who will typically make it through.
Noam Chomsky, Understanding Power, New York, 2002, p. 112
[T]his talk about capitalism and freedom has got to be a conscious fraud. As soon as you move into the real world, you see that nobody could actually believe that nonsense.
Noam Chomsky, The Common Good, Tucson, 1998, p. 14
It takes a lot of self-confidence—perhaps more self-confidence than one ought to have—to take a position alone because it seems to you right, in opposition to everything you see and hear.
Noam Chomsky, ‘On Staying Informed and Intellectual Self-Defense’, 1999
“Growth” is a funny sort of concept. For example, our GNP increases every time we build a prison. Well, okay, it’s growth in a sense, but it’s kind of a dumb measure. Has our life improved if we have more people in prison?
Noam Chomsky, ‘Interview with Jerry Brown’, in SPIN Magazine, 1993
There are two ways for Washington to respond to the threats engendered by its actions and startling proclamations. One way is to try to alleviate the threats by paying some attention to legitimate grievances, and by agreeing to become a civilized member of a world community, with some respect for world order and its institutions. The other way is to construct even more awesome engines of destruction and domination, so that any perceived challenge, however remote, can be crushed–provoking new and greater challenges. That way poses serious dangers to the people of the US and the world, and may, very possibly, lead to extinction of the species–not an idle speculation.
Noam Chomsky, ‘Deep Concerns’, ZNet, March 20, 2003
George Orwell once remarked that political thought, especially on the left, is a sort of masturbation fantasy in which the world of fact hardly matters. That’s true, unfortunately, and it’s part of the reason that our society lacks a genuine, responsible, serious left-wing movement.
Noam Chomsky, ‘The Politization of the University’, in Radical Priorities, Montréal, 1984, p. 200
In some intellectual circles, it is considered naive or foolish to be guided by moral principles. About this form of idiocy, I will have nothing to say.
Noam Chomsky, Language and Politics, Montréal, 1988, pp. 369-372